Military History

Lisbon castle would be easily capable of containing
and displaying a multitude of heraldic insignia to visitors
as a reflection of its past history as a place of ancient
and varied human occupation. However, it is not so.
The samples of heraldry remaining are notable for
their scarcity: an unfortunate reflection of the dramatic
circumstances that the castle and the area went through,
caused by both natural factors (including earthquakes)
and human intervention rather than simply being down to
the antiquity of the site. Despite this scarcity of remaining
examples of heraldry, some interesting armorial traces
remain: there is a coat of arms from the 13th to 14th
centuries; a rare example of medieval heraldic graffiti
from the same period; some examples of King Manuel I’s
badge; three variations on the royal arms of the 17th and
18th centuries, one of them repurposed in a monumental
context; and, last but not least, a curious case of military
heraldry from the 19th century. As an ensemble, this
heritage merits study as a small sample of a state of affairs
that at one time in the past was much more bountiful and
diverse. We will start with an idea of what this primitive
heraldic profusion may have looked like, and then study,
in chronological order, the rest.

This article offers a nuanced understanding of novelist Yoram Kaniuk’s national ideology as a representative of a generation, as well as unveils personal, untreated trauma as reflected in his writing. By way of doing so, it employs two research approaches: a literary speculative fiction interpretation examined through a lens of alternative history, and a cultural sociology perspective based on the concepts of ‘Imagined Communities’ and ‘Liquid Modernity’. On a broader level, his novel Scums portrays the deep disillusionment and disappointment experienced by veterans of Israel’s founding generation, who felt abandoned by their successors and betrayed by their values. On a personal level, Kaniuk’s writing reflects military flashbacks that significantly impacted his post-traumatic state of mind, which in turn influenced the way he perceived, described, and interpreted the historical fragments of his generation. Considering Kaniuk’s discomfort in discussing issues that deeply concerned him, he found solace and liberation through the medium of writing, which enabled him to express his thoughts and emotions, shouting them onto the page, unburdening himself, and making sense of his experiences. Thus, by writing in an unapologetic and candid manner, Kaniuk navigated the complexities of his inner world and external challenges, embracing his own truth and carving out a place for himself to be heard.

ISSN: 0031-0158

Spaniards
Explorers
Excavations (Archaeology)
Remote sensing
Coronado, Francisco Vásquez de, 1510-1554
Alvarado, Hernando de
16th century
Southwest, New
New Mexico
Alconfor (N.M.)
Arenal (N.M.)
Bernalillo (N.M.)
Coofor (N.M.)
Hawikku (N.M.)
Moho Pueblo (N.M.)
Piedras Marcadas (N.M.)
Puaray Pueblo (N.M)
Santiago Pueblo (N.M.)
Tiguex Province (N.M.)
Cibola, Seven Cities of

Kargil to 2002
July 2024
DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.19610.45767
Agha H Amin

KARGIL TO 2002 A.H Amin MONDAY, JANUARY 28, 2002 while previous Indian governments used war as an instrument of policy, the BJP has used creating a war situation and resultant nationalist euphoria as a political instrument. The BJP did so not as deliberate policy but as a situational response to Kargil. What started as military adventurism by Pakistan was transformed into an immense political advantage by Vajpayee. A convincing proof that war is too serious a business to be left to the generals, Kargil was initiated by Pakistan. Vajpayee was not its architect but brilliantly transformed it into an election winner. Strategic losses and benefits are now crystal clear. At the Grand Strategic level Pakistani policymakers strengthened the political position of a party more anti-Pakistan and anti-Muslim than any other force in Indo-Pak history since Sivaji. At the strategic level Pakistan will not be able to exploit the Chor-Batla Sector for infiltration or a thrust against the Kargil-Leh Road into Kashmir in any future conflict. Thanks to Kargil the Indians have woken up from a strategic slumber with regard to the importance of the Kargil-Leh Road. The Pakistani adventure of 1999 propelled them into heavily fortifying the Chor-Batla Gap and in any future war Pakistan will not be able to use this hitherto excellent area for an strategic Akhnur-type thrust against the Indian jugular in Northern Kashmir. At the political level Kargil was a defining moment for civil-military relations in Pakistan, which intensified the clash of egos rather than of principles, and finally culminated in the October 12 coup. At the personal level Musharraf gained power while at the strategic level the Indian position was strengthened. They were now wiser about likely places where Pakistan could gain maximum strategic benefits by employing minimum forces. The Chor-Batla Sector was plugged. What was previously guarded by a few battalions in summers only, is today guarded by a whole division all year. How far Pakistan was close to a success or how close to collapse is a mystery. Who lost resolution and aborted the mission is again a mystery. However there is no doubt that the Pakistani withdrawal from Kargil was a strategic setback and politically humiliating for Nawaz Sharif. The post -was a defining moment for civil-military relations in Pakistan, which intensified the clash of egos rather than of principles, and finally culminated in the October 12 coup. At' the personal level Musharraf gained power while at the strategic level the Indian position was strengthened. They were now wiser about likely places where Pakistan could gain maximum strategic benefits by employing minimum forces. The Chor-Batla Sector was plugged. What was previously guarded by a few battalions in summers only, is today guarded by a whole division all year. How far Pakistan was close to a success or how close to collapse is a mystery. Who lost resolution and aborted the mission is again a mystery. However, there is no doubt that the Pakistani withdrawal from Kargil was a strategic setback and politically humiliating for Nawaz Sharif. The post-Kargil scene witnessed an intense power struggle between the ISI handpicked PM and his handpicked COAS. Nawaz started from a position of strength but was outmaneuvered because there is a strong tradition of supporting the bigger battalions in Pakistan. A continuation of the old Punjab Sikha Shahi. In power struggles it is the protagonist's character rather than the office he holds that matters. Here Nawaz fatally miscalculated. Gen Jehangir Karamat the COAS Nawaz had ousted, was a laid-back, glacial personality, professionally sound, detached in judgement, having attained all that was possible with a combination of luck and talent. He was one of the few army chiefs with strategic insight, and was lucky in serving with good seniors who gave him his due. Nawaz had no problem in dealing with Karamat not because the office of COAS had become weaker than the PM's, but because Karamat was not ambitious. Thus Nawaz wrongly hypothesised that Musharraf would be ousted with as much ease as Karamat. Propelled by advice that Musharraf would not impose military rule, since he belonged to a minority ethnicity, Nawaz forgot, or may never have known, that Stalin was not a Russian but ruled the majority for 29 years, and that men don't act in unison on ethnicity alone, but when their interests converge. Thus, common interests produced a deadly combination against Nawaz. Both Ayub and Bhutto were ousted only after a long political agitation Nawaz was ousted like Iskandar Mirza in a bloodless coup.

Bu makale, bir tarihçi bakış açısından, On Yıllı Harp döneminin (1912-1922) malûl gazilerinin Mütareke’den Cumhuriyet’e uzanan süreçte Türk edebiyatında nasıl temsil edildiklerine odaklanmaktadır. Spesifik olarak roman ve hikâye türündeki metinleri ele alan makale, Türkiye’deki sorunlu malûl gazi algısının bir yandan söz konusu dönemin edebiyatına da yansıdığını, ama diğer yandan bu sorunlu algınının şekillendirici faktörlerinden birinin de bizatihi bu edebî metinlerin olduğunu tartışmaktadır. Bu açıdan makalede başlıca üç sorunun altı çizilmektedir. Bunlardan biri, sakatlara yönelik sağlamcı önyargıların ve militarist motiflerin beslediği eril bakış açısının bir tür kalıp yargı malûl gazi tiplemesi ürettiğidir; bu kalıp yargıda malûl gaziler “ideal erkek asker” imgesiyle uyumsuz addedilir. İkinci sorun, malûl gazi tiplemeleri derinlemesine ve kendi gerçek ve karmaşık kontekstlerinde analiz edilen edebî karakterler olmaktan ziyade, genellikle yazarın ve metnin kendi siyasî-ideolojik gündemi içerisinde vurgulamak istediği başka bir mesajı kuvvetlendirmeye yarayan yan unsurlar olarak kullanılırlar. Üçüncü sorun ise sağlamcı önyargıların bir sonucu olarak, edebî metinlerdeki malûl gazi tiplemeleri, sanki bedensel eksikliklerini “telafi” etmek için buna mecburlarmış gibi, hep olağanüstü işler başarmak zorunda bırakılırlar. Makale ağırlıklı olarak Cumhuriyet’in kuruluş dönemine (1923-1946) odaklanmakla birlikte, toplumcu gerçekçi edebî metinlerle bir mukayese yapma adına 1981’e kadar uzanmaktadır.

En este trabajo pretendemos estudiar y resaltar el papel de la infantería pesada en el ejército romano tardío, poniendo de manifiesto (gracias al ejemplo de la batalla de Estrasburgo) que tales unidades aún gozaban de relevancia y que a menudo realizaron un papel destacado, cuando no decisivo, en las batallas. Del mismo modo, se revisará la actuación del César Juliano ante lo que fue su primera batalla campal, llegando a la conclusión de que el personaje se había preocupado de recibir una excelente educación militar que quedó reflejada en sudesempeño como general en la Galia.

The sub-layer Troy VIh presents a collapsed masonry that is compatible with destruction by earthquakes. There is an oral tradition about a natural disaster occurring during the same expedition from Mycenaean Thebes that placed Priam in the Throne. The Book of Apollodorus book 2, chapter 5, paragraph 9 records: "Apollo sent to Troy a disaster and Poseidon a sea monster which, carried up by a flood, snatched away the people of the plain." If we disregard the fantastic elements of this oral tradition that describes "Hercules killed the monster and saved princess Hesione", the account is clearly compatible with an Earthquake followed by a Tsunami just like the one attested in sub-layer Troy VIh.

shepsut and Thutmose III, took an active role on contemporary royal projects, as would be that he supervised and the responsibilities he assumed. Some of the roles that he exerted can be discerned in the royal monuments themselves, notably his involvement in the refurbishment and embellishment of a number of local temples in Middle Egypt, as well as the reckoning of the marvels from Punt that arrived in Thebes in year 9. Djehuty's engagement in these endeavours connects TT 11 with Hatshepsut's temples at Speos Artemidos and Deir el-Bahari, where private and royal spheres were brought together in the composition of monumental inscriptions and scenes.

The return of the Spanish flu in the year of Covid-19 The health crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic and the emergency responses decided by state authorities had important social, economic, political and cultural consequences, and also brought the forgotten history of the Spanish flu back to public attention. This contribution compares the two pandemics by drawing attention to the different institutional reactions to the diseases, the transformations of the language of politics, the different social behaviours that emerged in two events that took place one hundred years apart, and their repercussions on the historiographical level.

JAKUB ŠTOFANÍK Kľúčové slová: sociálny katolicizmus, robotníctvo, náboženstvo, sekularizácia, Rakúsko-Uhorsko, preom 19. a 20. storočia l ech už je 19. storočie nazývané storočím sekularizácie alebo druhej konfesionalizácie, či dokonca najcirkevnejším storočím, vidíme, že otázka vzťahu náboženstva a spoločnosti je v historiografii venujúcej sa „dlhému“ storočiu nanovo otváraná a diskutovaná. Táto diskusia je pomerne pestrá, zaoberá sa najrôznejšími presahmi k emancipácii štátu a vedy, vzťahu k národným hnutiam, urbanizácii či k definovaniu modernity a premenám hodnotových systémov. Jednu z ďalších perspektív pri úvahách nad vzťahom spoločnosti a náboženstva predstavuje postoj cirkví k robotníckej triede, ktorá sa sformovala a upevnila práve v priebehu tohto storočia. Môžeme si tu všímať odpoveď jednotlivých cirkví na „sociálnu otázku“, ako aj mieru prijatia kresťansko-sociálnych projektov v prostredí tovární a rolu, ktorú predstavovalo náboženstvo v živote robotníkov. Práve na túto ...

RHM.06 LOS CAPITANES DEL SOLDADO MIGUEL DE CERVANTES Juan Luis SÁNCHEZ MARTÍN1 RESUMEN Se discute si Cervantes pudo servir, antes de hacerlo en la compañía de Urbina, en las filas del Tercio de Nápoles, y seguidamente se intenta re-construir las biografías de los capitanes bajo los cuales apuró don Miguel su vida militar. Se ha pretendido hallar los antepasados de Diego de Urbina, un personaje desconocido a quien el escritor se refirió como si fuera muy noto-rio. En relación con el Tercio de Moncada, al que perteneció la compañía de Urbina, se constata que inicialmente solo pudo levar 7 de las 8 compañías previstas-en lugar de las 10 que hasta ahora se creían ciertas-y que una de ellas era la del capitán Francisco Rengifo, todavía erróneamente identi-ficado como Gerónimo de Gis. Sobre la base de documentación inédita, se 1 Graduado en Marketing Financiero por la ESCA (Escuela Superior de las Cajas de Ahorro, 1972). Fue el fundador y editor de las revistas Researching the Lace Wars (1987-1992), Dra-gona (1992-1995), y Researching & Dragona (1996-2004), en las cuales publicó numerosos artículos. También editó en internet La época de los Tercios (tercios.org), desde 2004 hasta 2016 (actualmente no consultable), y colaboró con más de un centenar de biografías de mili-tares españoles en el Diccionario biográfico español

U ovom završnom radu obrađena je tema rodne problematike u romanima Marije Jurić Zagorke. Osim što je Zagorka bila autorica prvog hrvatskog kriminalističkog romana (Kneginja iz Petrinjske ulice) bila je ujedno i prva hrvatska novinarka te prva domaća sufražetkinja. Također, autorica je nekih od najčitanijih hrvatskih romana i zauzima bitno mjesto u povijesti tog vremena. Cilj ovog rada bio je dobiti uvid u rodnu problematiku impregniranu u njezinim književnim djelima, transvestiju te problem progona vještica. Rad donosi i analizu autobiografskog romana Marije Jurić Zagorke, Kamen na cesti.In this final paper, the topic of gender problems in the novels of Marija Juric Zagorka was discussed. Apart from Zagorka being author of the first Croatian criminal novel (Kneginja iz Petrinjske ulice), she was also the first Croatian journalist and first domestic suffragist. He is also the author of some of the most read Croatian novels and takes an important place in the history of that time. Th...

Kniha vydaná Muzeem umění Olomouc jako doprovodná publikace stejnojmenné výstavy představuje počátky šíření střelného prachu v Evropě, využití pyrotechniky pro zábavní účely a různé formy raně novověkých dramatických představení s pyrotechnikou – ohňová dramata. Vše je ilustrováno na několika desítkách přetisků grafických listů a obrazů.

The english version will be published on October 2024.

Este trabajo analiza la situación de la Armada Argentina durante la primera presidencia de Hipólito Yrigoyen (1916-1922), para comprender algunas de las dinámicas, tensiones y conflictos que existieron entre la institución naval y el primer gobierno radical. Se espera colaborar con un estudio introductorio acerca del perfil político que por entonces tenía la Marina, un sector de las Fuerzas Armadas que, en líneas generales, ha sido desestimado por la historiografía dedicada al estudio de las burocracias estatales y el campo militar durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX. El texto se concentrará así en tres aspectos: la situación material y operativa de la Armada, la relación de la Fuerza con Federico Álvarez de Toledo, el primer civil al frente del Ministerio de Marina, y, por último, la influencia de la política radical en el sistema de ascensos y retiros de los oficiales navales.

On January 12th, 1922, the Karachay-Cherkess Autonomous Region of the Soviet Union was established. A month later, Karachay was invaded by the Soviets. The elite and officers of the Karachay people were executed. In 1926, the independent Karachay Autonomous Region was established. During this period, a layer of intellectuals was formed in Karachay. However, the regional rulers began an extermination movement against Karachay's intellectual and elite class. In 1930, the Karachay people rebelled against the kolkhoz system. During this period, most of the Karachay people were exiled or executed. During Stalin's administration, violence and repression multiplied. Many Karachay intellectuals were exterminated during this time. When the German armies came to the Caucasus in 1942, some Karachays cooperated with them. For this reason, all the Karachay people were blamed and exiled from the Caucasus. This study discusses the first twenty years of the Karachay Autonomous Region in Soviet Union.
ÖZET 12 Ocak 1922'de Sovyetler Birliği'ne bağlı Karaçay-Çerkes Özerk Bölgesi kurulmuştur. Bir ay sonra Karaçay, Sovyetler tarafından işgal edilmiş, Karaçay halkının seçkinleri ve subayları idam edilmiştir. 1926 yılında bağımsız Karaçay Özerk Bölgesi kurulmuştur. Bu dönemde Karaçay'da bir aydın tabakası oluşmuş, ancak bölge yöneticileri Karaçay'ın aydın ve elit sınıfına karşı bir imha hareketi başlatmıştır. 1930 yılında Karaçay halkı kolhoz sistemine karşı ayaklanmıştır. Bu dönemde Karaçay halkının büyük bir kısmı sürgüne gönderilmiş veya idam edilmiştir. Stalin'in yönetimi sırasında şiddet ve baskı artmış, bu dönemde birçok Karaçay aydını yok edilmiştir. 1942'de Alman orduları Kafkasya'ya geldiğinde bazı Karaçaylılar onlarla işbirliği yapmıştır. Bu yüzden tüm Karaçay halkı suçlanmış ve Kafkasya'dan sürülmüştür. Bu çalışma Sovyetler Birliği'nde Karaçay Özerk Bölgesi'nin ilk yirmi yılını ele almaktadır.

להפתעת חבריי, אתחיל את דבריי במשפט הבא: תת-אלוף דניאל אגרי צדק בדבריו. בהתרסה הפומבית שלו נגד הממשלה שלא ניתן לנצח את חמאס וישראל תישאר בבעיה חמורה לביטחונה גם בעוד חמש שנים.
הוא צדק כי הוא מייצג את עמדת רוב ראשי צה"ל שהקונספציה הביטחונית שלהם קרסה בצורה מבישה "בשבת השחורה" ב-7 לאוקטובר. הוא צדק בכך כי הוא וחבריו לא מסוגלים להציע שום דבר שיוביל לתוצאה להשגת מטרות עליהם החליטה הממשלה.
זאת גם הסיבה העיקרית מדוע המלחמה בעזה נמשכת כל כך הרבה זמן ולא הביאה עד עכשיו להכרעה המוחלטת של כוחותיו של חמאס. אגרי צודק כי הוא חוזר על אותו דפוס המחשבה הצבאית אשר הובילה את ארה"ב לתבוסה בווייטנאם, בסומלי ובאפגניסטן.

Article 82 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions requires competent legal advisors to be available, when necessary, to advise military commanders at the appropriate level on the application of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). One of the most important fields of IHL application which requires legal advice is attacks on the enemy, which need to follow the principles of military necessity, humanity, distinction, and proportionality, and are also affected by the requirement to undertake all feasible precautions in order to avoid or at least minimise incidental harm to civilians (collateral damage). One of the ways to ensure that attacks on enemy remain compliant with the requirements of IHL is by adopting appropriate targeting procedures and tools facilitating avoidance or minimising collateral damage, such as the Collateral Damage Estimation Methodology (CDEM). Media coverage of the Russian-Ukrainian war has contributed significantly to the misperception of IHL provisions applicable to targeting. During the war in Ukraine, political declarations were made several times that a war crime had occurred in the form of a deliberate attack on the civilian object. However, the legality of a particular strike can rarely be judged based upon the results of the strike or via post-strike Battle Damage Assessment (BDA). The so-called Rendulic rule emphasises that military necessity, proportionality, and precautions are judged a priori, based upon by the information available at the time of the decision (circumstances ruling at the time) and not on the basis of information emerging after the decision had been made. Legal Advirsors' role in the targeting process requires them to possess at least the basic knowledge of the Targeting Process and the CDEM, general military expertise in the fields of Tactics, Techniques and Procedures (TTPs), as well as effects of the employment of particular weapon systems in given circumstances. This should be supported by thorough knowledge of IHL, in particular the practical aspects of its application in military operations. It should be about the intersection of legal and technical expertise.

The article discusses the story of Colonel Fryderyk Zbiniewicz, with particular emphasis on his military and scientific career. Born in Moscow in 1922 into a family of Polish communists, he was drafted into the Red Army during the war, coming to Poland as a recent graduate of the NKWD school of political commissars in Kuybyshev. Over the next few years, he worked at the Ministry of Public Security. He began his academic career at the Institute of Academic Cadre Training at the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party. From 1956, he worked at the Historical Bureau of the Polish Army, then at the Military Historical Institute until his retirement in 1990. In 1989, he was appointed a professor. As a historian, he dealt with the most recent history of the Polish Army, and his best-known publication was the monograph Armia Polska w ZSRR (The Polish Army in the USSR).

È probabile che si prepari un crescendo di rivolte anche più esteso di quello incominciato con le Primavere Arabe; ma è certo che se non salta l'intero sistema sociale, se non si chiarisce che occorre un partito mondiale capace di rappresentare l'umanità intera attraverso la classe dei senza-riserve, ogni tentativo di cambiamento sarà vano. Ma le nostre certezze valgono quanto le prediche del FMI o altri organismi se questo partito nasce senza il presupposto fondamentale che il cambiamento ha bisogno di una teoria del cambiamento. La società futura va descritta, va conosciuta e svelata nel presente. E il presente al momento è una guerra mondiale che nessuno conosce fino in fondo ma che potrebbe essere il detonatore per far esplodere l'attuale assetto del mondo. "No alla guerra" non può essere, con le premesse che abbiamo sotto agli occhi, uno slogan pacifista. Dev'essere un progetto.